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Copyright © 2012 Ray Dickenson
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Police Bosses protect pedophiles, limit inquiries, shut-down investigations.


`Perceptions' note
You might read, between the lines of this extract from "The Guardian" [have put some large bold clues], that there was a conspiracy - of senior policemen, senior civil-servants, lawyers and possibly even judges - to prevent detection and prosecution of pedophiles.

In this case a determined, honest, young policeman brought some of the criminals to justice - (but where is he now?)

As you can see at laworjustice, all too often the highly placed perverts are helped to escape and continue with their crimes against children.

Even casual research - of public domain information and by analysis of the defensive/guilty behavior of those in positions of power and `authority' - indicates that every UK county, particularly Shropshire, North & South Wales and Northern Ireland, has secret societies of highly placed pedophiles in positions of influence - within the police, judges, senior officials & civil servants, aristocracy and media.






Award-winning journalist Nick Davies begins a series looking at the evils of paedophilia and asks whether a more proactive approach should be used to stop its spread.  Today: The West Country Web.

Special report: child protection Nick Davies
Guardian
Saturday November 25, 2000

In October 1997, a woman telephoned the police in Bristol to say that she was worried about her nephew, Ricky.  He was 15... Was he stealing, was he mixed up in drugs? It worried her, and all she knew was that Ricky was going to a house at 49 Churchill Road.

As a result of that call, the police opened the cream-coloured door and uncovered a rats' nest of child abuse - a full-blown paedophile ring.  The house was a honey trap, fitted out with a gaming machine, a sauna, plenty of videos and drink and drugs and anything else that might persuade a wandering boy to come in off the streets.  Inside the house, some of the boys had been slowly groomed for the sexual pleasure of men who lived there.

Others had been simply raped.  Some had been given heroin to keep them compliant.  Several had been forced into prostitution.  Some of the abusers had been busy for 20 years in one location or another.

The police found links between the house in Bristol and addresses in south Wales as well as Holland and France.  All this conceals a deeper story.




This other story begins four years before that phone call - with other phone calls, other alarm bells ringing.  By October 1994, social services and police in Bristol had been warned repeatedly that vulnerable boys were being sexually abused at 49 Churchill Road.

On October 7, 1994, Avon's Child Protection Committee held a special meeting to discuss what they described as "a potential paedophile ring" at 49 Churchill Road.  Three social workers and a police inspector reviewed all the clues and agreed to check all their records and to interview the children they believed to be involved; the social workers sent a minute of the meeting to their area manager; the police inspector said he would talk to his superintendent and to the Crown Prosecution Service ... and essentially nothing happened.  Two years later, two more boys made allegations about the house.  The rape and seduction and all the rest of it continued unabated.

In the autumn of 1996, a young detective sergeant named Rob Jones had moved to Avon and Somerset's Child Protection Team.

He was joined by two experienced detective constables, Pete Mainstone and Phil Brown, and together they determined to go out and actively look for abused children.  It was Pete Mainstone who took the call from Ricky's worried aunt in October 1997.  And instead of merely processing it, he pushed to find out more.

He arranged to meet Ricky with his aunt and he checked intelligence records and found that the house in Churchill Road was already suspect.  Jones prepared for the possibility of a full-scale inquiry.

On the night of February 3 1998, Avon and Somerset police finally opened the door at 49 Churchill Road.




Now, Rob Jones had a full-blooded investigation.  But he was running it out of a shoebox.  He needed more detectives to carry out interviews; he needed an incident room and he needed administrative officers to run it.  But all he was given a single terminal and a part-time data inputter.  At least one senior officer was actively arguing for the whole inquiry to be stopped immediately.

Rob Jones assembled a "dirty dozen" officers, begged and borrowed from uniformed work or CID teams.  Operation Panorama was born.  The second stroke of luck was the arrival of a new chief constable, Steve Pilkington, who agreed to support the inquiry in a way that some of his predecessors and many of his contemporaries would not.

On July 7, 1998, Jones' team co-ordinated a series of dawn arrests.  Now, they had a total of 10 men in custody.

Spreading web.

The Operation Panorma team soon found themselves in an ever-increasing web of alleged offences.  By the beginning of 1999, they had some 80 possible victims and more than 60 suspected abusers - and only 10 of them had been arrested.

Some of those who were still at large were prolific paedophiles.

It was a full time job simply dealing with the 10 men who had been arrested.  And he was juggling this with some 250 other cases.  His determination to hold all the defendants together to make a big picture for the jury made the job even more complex.




For senior officers at Avon and Somerset police, the big problem was the Home Office, which now steers police activity with a list of "best value performance indicators", on which each force is judged.  There are 37 of them.  But there is nothing anywhere in any of them about child abuse.  By diverting resources into Operation Panorama, Avon and Somerset [Police] was risking its corporate neck.

At current strength, Operation Panorama could just about cope In September 1999, the Panorama detectives began three linked trials at Bristol crown court.  By December, without a single word of national publicity, all 10 defendants had pleaded guilty or had been convicted by a jury.  Most of them were jailed.

But their time was running out.  Avon and Somerset police had by now ploughed huge resources into the inquiry, on a scale unsupported by the Home Office.

The Bristol detectives could pursue all the loose ends effectively only by setting up a full-time paedophilia unit.  But the pressure from Whitehall was to focus resources on the 37 performance indicators.  Senior officers regretfully told Rob Jones's team that they must look for an "exit strategy".  Six of their 12 officers and an administrator were taken.

On this limited basis, they launched Operation Parallel.  They drew up a list of priority targets, weeding out those whose offences were historic and/or minor.  In this way, they discarded some 40 suspects.  Jones's reduced team was given a dozen extra detectives for a single week in March this year, to arrest and process the dozen or so suspects still on their list.

By the time their work was over, the Bristol Child Protection Team, with the support of Brendan Moorhouse in the CPS, presented a model for the investigation of child abuse - a 100% conviction rate against serious and unreported child abuse.  They had torn the heart out of a network of abusers who had flourished for up to 20 years.

The difference between Bristol and the standard approach was revealed when they agreed to hand over to South Wales the prosecution of five offenders who lived there.  The prosecution of child abuse cases is notoriously difficult but the fact is that using procedures and strategy routine throughout this country, South Wales lost every single case.

In its major 1996 inquiry, Childhood Matters, the NSPCC concluded: "The legal system, designed to provide justice and redress for victims of abuse, is failing to do so consistently."

That warning has been repeated by Lady Justice Butler-Sloss, who wrote the report of the Cleveland child abuse scandal; Alan Levy QC, who investigated the pindown scandal in Staffordshire; and Sir William Utting, who conducted two searching reviews of child abuse.

The Home Office's own research, commissioned in 1995, concluded that it needed "a radical improvement in the investigation and prosecution of offenders".





`Perceptions' note (continued)
Check promise - laworjustice - warning2 - promise2.  You can see that secret pedophile groups have held unlimited power in England - and therefore over Wales, Ireland and Scotland - for many years.

Repeat - Even casual research - of public domain information and by analysis of the defensive/guilty behavior of those in positions of power and `authority' - indicates that every UK county, particularly Shropshire, North & South Wales and Northern Ireland, has secret societies of highly placed pedophiles in positions of influence - within the police, judges, senior officials & civil servants, aristocracy and media.




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